This is a worthwhile editorial published in ET

The seasoned Congress leader and India’s well-known dove Mani Shankar Aiyarhas made some bold remarks at the Atlantic Council, a Washington-based think tank. He has reminded his countrymen that it is time to change how they view Pakistan. Citing the recent developments in Pakistan, he has rightly pointed out that Pakistani public opinion and its political discourse does not view India as an enemy. More importantly, the generations, which witnessed the horrors of the 1947 Partition, have given way to a younger population, which has a different set of aspirations.

Mr Aiyar’s statement must be welcomed on both sides of the border. Such voices of sanity must be heard and especially his correct perception that the “visceral anti-Indianism of a previous generation is almost out of the picture now”. He also challenged the orthodox perceptions in India that  “since the Pakistanis have been hostile in the past, they are necessarily hostile now.” While Aiyar’s detractors will refute these assertions, the objective conditions in Pakistan lend much credence to his point of view.

During the May 2013 elections, India and the Kashmir issue barely figured in the electoral campaigns. Not a single political party raised India as a bogey, as Pakistan has witnessed a rare consensus on moving ahead with the peace process. Even the right-wing political parties are committed to this goal. Similarly, most of Pakistan’s business lobbies are also tilted in favour of extending trade ties with their Indian counterparts. Last year’s progress has already impacted the trade volume as the recent figures record a noticeable surge. Lastly, Pakistan’s powerful military has prodded along this civilian consensus and appears to be on board in terms of improving ties with India.

Aiyar also spoke of the challenges that Nawaz Sharif may face and cited his previous record in office. His prognosis on the way forward once again is spot-on. The best way forward is to ensure that there is “uninterrupted and uninterruptible” dialogue between India and Pakistan.

We hope that Mr Aiyar’s remarks are also heard in India and the democratic impulses of its citizens are noted. It is time to shed the stereotypes about Pakistan as India’s enemy.

For The News on Sunday

Only a democratic dispensation that enjoys people’s mandate will be able to handle the disastrous energy crisis, the spillover of Nato’s exit from Afghanistan and the security and foreign policies

Pakistan’s first rule-based democratic transition is underway. The last time a civilian government oversaw the election process was in 1977 when charges of rigging led to a popular movement, ouster of the civilian government and ultimately a coup. Otherwise it has been one military or quasi-military regime managing the process of elections.

Three institutions are managing this process: Firstly, the Election Commission of Pakistan; secondly, the Judiciary and thirdly the interim governments in centre and the provinces. The role of the president is minimal other than his own party affairs and the military seems to be in the background and largely focusing on the security issues. This is a situation, which ought to be celebrated as we have the basic preconditions in order.

But state incapacity and ideological biases overshadow the ongoing transition. In the past few weeks, the returning offices — senior district judicial officers — have been scrutinizing the candidates in a most ad hoc manner. In their zeal to abide by the constitutional clauses inserted by Gen Zia’s regime — which place a premium on the faith of the candidate and his/her loyalty to an undefined ‘ideology of Pakistan’ — a circus was witnessed.

An unprofessional line of questioning adopted by the ROs marred the initial electoral proceedings. The ECP perhaps did not issue the right standard guidelines and, therefore, left the subordinate judges to exercise their will and the results were not too pleasing. Women were asked how would they manage their children if they became a legislator and others were asked to recite Quranic verses with the right intonations and accent! Ideological shifts of the past three decades were at work here.

(more…)

Holding a peaceful election in 2013 would, perhaps, be one of the important milestones in countering the power and influence of the extremists

Within two months, nearly 90 million Pakistanis will vote to elect new federal and provincial governments. This democratic transition has been hailed as a major victory of Pakistan’s fledgling democracy beset by regional instability and a worsening domestic security climate.

During the first quarter of 2013, 35 of sectarian attacks have taken place in Karachi and Quetta. In the same period, at least 144 suicide bombings and attacks on state installations have taken place in various parts of the country. Given this unfortunate situation, there is a widespread fear that the forthcoming elections may entail unprecedented violence and god forbid high profile assassinations.

However, “violence” needs to be unpacked and examined in the context of Pakistani politics. There are three strands of violence which are independently and sometimes jointly working to create a semi-anarchic situation where citizens and political parties are insecure, the state seems to be on the retreat and the militant groups appear to be in the ascendant.

First, we are gripped by the larger, unholy alliance between al-Qaeda, the Taliban, especially the Pakistani factions, and the sectarian outfits such as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), bolstered by other banned terrorist groups such as Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) etc. Details of these groups and the specific nature of their activities are all too well known and recorded by both Pakistani and foreign analysts. There is a strange paradox at work here. The state is under attack by these groups and at the same time, it is trying to explore the options of negotiating with these groups for some kind of a truce. The backdrop, of course, is the post-Nato situation in Afghanistan where Pakistan is keen to book a seat on the Afghan power table.

This strand of violence is affecting much of Fata (at least four agencies are battlegrounds between the Pakistan army and the militants), and Khyber Paktunkhawa province. The TTP has issued most brazen statements such as the one which urges people to stay away from the public rallies of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Awami National Party (ANP). The space for these relatively progressive and moderate parties is, therefore, shrinking with each passing day.

For instance, the ANP is likely to hold no rallies and only go for door-to-door campaigning. Its leadership has been advised by the party not to be physically present during the electoral campaign. The PPP chairperson, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, is not in the country, and while speculation on his departure has been reported in the press, however, the actual situation is not being deliberated which relates to the simple fact that Bilawal Bhutto is not secure in Pakistan given the fact that his mother Benazir Bhutto was killed five years ago after an election rally in Rawalpindi. (more…)

My piece on the elections for The News on Sunday

Holding a peaceful election in 2013 would, perhaps, be one of the important milestones in countering the power and
influence of the extremists

Within two months, nearly 90 million Pakistanis will vote to elect new federal and provincial governments. This democratic transition has been hailed as a major victory of Pakistan’s fledgling democracy beset by regional instability and a worsening domestic security climate.

During the first quarter of 2013, 35 of sectarian attacks have taken place in Karachi and Quetta. In the same period, at least 144 suicide bombings and attacks on state installations have taken place in various parts of the country. Given this unfortunate situation, there is a widespread fear that the forthcoming elections may entail unprecedented violence and god forbid high profile assassinations.

However, “violence” needs to be unpacked and examined in the context of Pakistani politics. There are three strands of violence which are independently and sometimes jointly working to create a semi-anarchic situation where citizens and political parties are insecure, the state seems to be on the retreat and the militant groups appear to be in the ascendant.

First, we are gripped by the larger, unholy alliance between al-Qaeda, the Taliban, especially the Pakistani factions, and the sectarian outfits such as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), bolstered by other banned terrorist groups such as Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) etc. Details of these groups and the specific nature of their activities are all too well known and recorded by both Pakistani and foreign analysts. There is a strange paradox at work here. The state is under attack by these groups and at the same time, it is trying to explore the options of negotiating with these groups for some kind of a truce. The backdrop, of course, is the post-Nato situation in Afghanistan where Pakistan is keen to book a seat on the Afghan power table.

(more…)

Last week I attended a roundtable organised by Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom in Berlin. The theme was “Shaping the Future of Pakistan: Loose, Fail, or Win“. I delivered a presentation (link ->> Berlin presentation Pakistan) and discussed the short to medium prospects for Pakistan. Most importantly, how regional instability was likely to impact Pakistan notwithstanding its impressive democratic trajectory.

My piece published here

Pakistan’s next general election, due in a few months, will be the first where civilian forces are in charge of the transition from one elected government to another. Throughout its history, Pakistan’s military and civil bureaucracy have been the arbiters of political transitions.

With the elections nearing, the political leadership of Pakistan faces many questions about not only the interim government that will oversee the polls, but also the rules of the game for those contesting elections.

While Pakistan’s noisy and multifarious media is highlighting various election issues, on most occasions the intent behind the programming is to sensatationalise matters. It is critical to inform the public about these issues and build sufficient pressure on institutions to take steps wherever necessary to ensure free, fair and transparent elections.

There are seven main challenges before the political parties, especially those leading the coalition government and the opposition. The sooner these are dealt with, the more likely that the coming elections will make history. (more…)

My paper published by CIDOB – Barcelona Centre for International Affairs

Even after more than six decades since its inception, Pakistan has been unable to establish its writ across geographical boundaries and several of its territories remain ungovernable. analysts have noted that such regions comprise nearly 60% of Pakistan’s territory.1 this phenomenon has consequences for regional stability and affects peace and governance efforts in neighboring Afghanistan, Iran, Central Asian Republics, and India.2
the reasons for lack of governance in Pakistan differ across regions.

In some cases, the non-state actors have succeeded in establishing their own writ, emerging as alternate power centers that have supplanted the role of state. the most notable of these are Federally administered tribal areas (Fata), Balochistan, southern Punjab and to some degree, the megapolis, karachi.
this paper seeks to examine three such regions, i.e. Fata, Balochistan and south Punjab, where the authority of Pakistani state has diminished to varying degrees and where non-state actors effectively govern these areas. In part, this situation is a result of willful abdication of authority by the central state (Fata), insurgency and regional dynamics (Balochistan) and nurturing of militant networks (south Punjab). the paper looks at the three regions in some detail, outlining the historical evolution of governance systems (or lack thereof) and the current situation, which has serious implications for Pakistan’s security and regional stability.

1. FATA & Areas of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa
Background: the Federally administered tribal areas (Fata) of Pakistan is a sub-autonomous tribal region in the northwest of Pakistan, bordering Afghanistan on its west, Pakistan’s Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) province on east and Balochistan on south. the area comprises seven agencies (tribal regions) and six Frontier Regions. It is home to a population of nearly 4.5 million3, consisting mainly of Pashtun tribes, who also inhabit eastern parts of Afghanistan. Fata is also the poorest of Pakistani regions, where nearly 50% of the population lives below the poverty line. years of war and insurgency have wreaked havoc with social serv- ices and impacted the social and physical infrastructure of the area.

Historically, the colonial state did not build governance institutions in this region and administered through a curious mix of traditional structures such as jirga, overseen by the central British authority through the infa- mous law, the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR)4 of 1901. the British used the law as a means of subjugation to ‘discipline’ the people of Fata and establish the writ of colonial authority across the region. after the independence in 1947, the FCR continued as the governance framework – with minor modifications – until 2011 when the Pakistani government initiated major reforms to its scope and application. however, in effect FCR reform is yet to be implemented and one can safely assume that the century-old law prevails.

Analysis of the present situation: the FCR is notorious for its repressive features against the people of Fata. It empowers the government to arrest anyone, without specifying crime, and permits collective punishment of family or tribe for crimes of individuals.5    Punishment can be meted out by unelected tribal jirgas, whose members are mostly nomi-nated by centrally appointed political agents.6    the law restricts convicts against appeal to jirga verdicts (although commission can review a case) and gives sweeping powers to tribal councils to impose penalty in criminal cases. While the FCR does provide a code of conduct for jirgas, the latter have operated free of these regulations and have given verdicts not permitted by the FCR. Furthermore, this legal framework encourages discriminatory practices towards the local people, as it allows the government to restrict entry of Fata residents into the rest of Pakistan. the provisions of the FCR are clearly in violation of the Universal Declaration of human Rights and the Constitution of Pakistan.7 there have also been frequent calls from the superior judiciary of Pakistan to repeal the law.

After a century, Pakistan’s current democratic government has revised the FCR by introducing pro-democracy amendments and allowing political parties to operate in the tribal regions. the most important amendments to the FCR limit oppressive sections by allowing only close male members of offenders to be arrested, instead of whole tribes. Women and individuals of minor age are barred from arrest. the amendments seek to curtail the powers of anachronistic laws by providing basic civil rights to the people of Fata.8 For the first time, the right of appeal has been granted to the local population against decisions of the political agent.9 the Political Parties Order of 2002 allowed political parties to form and operate in the region,10 making room for some form of political participation to people who have enjoyed little or no constitutional rights.

The amendments were welcomed by civil society and hailed as a step towards incorporating Fata within the democratic framework of the rest of the country.11 however, they are yet to be fully implemented. some tribal elders and lawyers have criticized the minor changes demanding that jurisdiction of high courts and the supreme Court must be extended to Fata and that the area should be governed according to the 1973 Constitution, rather than the FCR.12
the colonial-era administrative and judicial systems are unsuited to modern governance. the absence of credible and formalized participation…

Read the full document here–>Pakistan- Ungoverned Spaces

Dr Tahirul Qadri, who has kept Pakistani pundits busy for the past three months, faced a major blow when a three-member SC bench dismissed his petition (which stated that the Chief Election Commissioner and four members of the ECP were not appointed in accordance with the Articles 213, 218of the Pakistani Constitution).

The court decreed that it failed to point out any violations of fundamental rights in either the petition itself, or the arguments by the petitioner. Therefore, as per 184 (3) of the Constitution, none of Qadri’s fundamental rights were infringed upon. Throughout the hearing of this case certain faultlines were traversed by both the parties. The court reminded Qadri that he was a dual national and his loyalties were split. Qadri in his retort reminded the Chief Justice of his past allegiance to Gen Musharraf during the days before March 2007 when Musharraf was resisted by the judges.

The Supreme Court observed that dual nationals were allowed to vote in Pakistani elections. But the court added that because of his dual nationality, Dr Qadri could not contest elections under Article 63(1) of the Constitution. Qadri’s dual nationality was, however, constantly brought under question during the proceedings.

In another case which made headlines during 2011 and 2012, the court gave extraordinary attention to US citizen Mansoor Ijaz’s testimony and also entertained a petition filed by a Canadian citizen on the alleged violation of Pakistan’s national security by the civilian government through it Ambassador to the United States, Husain Haqqani.

A commission was formed to investigate the charges in the so-called memogate. The findings of the Memo Commission sadly relied mostly on the testimony of Mansoor Ijaz, who was exempted from appearing personally and could not be considered a reliable and honest witness. The formation of a commission instead of registering a police case led to the exemption of Mansoor Ijaz’s presence before the court. It should be noted that the judicial commission allowed Mansoor Ijaz’s testimony to be delivered via video conferencing, but denied Haqqani the same facility. (more…)

My piece for South Asia magazine (published in Jan 2013 issue)

General elections in Pakistan are scheduled to take place later this year; however, the ongoing political instability signals otherwise.

The forthcoming general elections in Pakistan are significant for a number of reasons. Firstly, this is a unique moment in Pakistan when a democratic government under a civilian President is completing its term and preparing for a transition through elections. Secondly, due to the constitutional changes made by the current parliament under the 18th and 20th Amendments, the process remains firmly in civilian hands. This has caused an unprecedented moment in our history where the elections are not being supervised or managed by the military establishment, which has called the shots over a larger course of the country’s history.

The last time a civilian regime managed the election was in 1977 but the results were controversial and were annulled, leading to Gen. Zia ul Haq’s led coup d’ etat.

Throughout the 1990s, most political parties were used as puppets by the security establishment against each other. Four elections were held between 1988 and 1999. Each time, a President, who acted at the behest of the military and intelligence agencies, ‘engineered’ the electoral results by appointing a handpicked and compliant caretaker government.

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-N (PMLN) were the two major parties playing this game with the Army. The Musharraf coup and subsequent political developments reversed this trend as these two parties entered into a compact in 2007 and agreed not to approach the military to resolve or fix political disputes. Whilst Musharraf and Gen. Kayani oversaw the elections of 2008, the results surprised everyone, illustrating a clear victory for anti-Musharraf forces. Both parties have liaised with the military between 2008-2013 but have jealously guarded their parliamentary space as well as the continuation of the democratic system. Governance challenges and failures notwithstanding, the record of political parties has been encouraging on this front.

In the spirit of constitutionally mandated agreements, the government and opposition have appointed a respectable former judge as the Chief Election Commissioner. Similarly, other formalities have been taken care of and the rest will be handled in the days to come. The appointment of a caretaker administration is another major step that needs to be taken to ensure that an impartial regime takes over the task of administering elections. In Pakistan, given its bitter history, the legitimacy of an election and the confidence in the caretakers is of major importance.  (more…)

Something I wrote for The News on Sunday

If Dr Tahirul Qadri is controversial for his loyalty as a dual national, then Mansoor Ijaz as a US citizen must not be given a high place in the ‘Memo case’

Dr Tahirul Qadri, who has kept Pakistani pundits busy for the past three months, faced a major blow when a three-member SC bench dismissed his petition (which stated that the Chief Election Commissioner and four members of the ECP were not appointed in accordance with the Articles 213, 218of the Pakistani Constitution).

The court decreed that it failed to point out any violations of fundamental rights in either the petition itself, or the arguments by the petitioner. Therefore, as per 184 (3) of the Constitution, none of Qadri’s fundamental rights were infringed upon. Throughout the hearing of this case certain faultlines were traversed by both the parties. The court reminded Qadri that he was a dual national and his loyalties were split. Qadri in his retort reminded the Chief Justice of his past allegiance to Gen Musharraf during the days before March 2007 when Musharraf was resisted by the judges.

The Supreme Court observed that dual nationals were allowed to vote in Pakistani elections. But the court added that because of his dual nationality, Dr Qadri could not contest elections under Article 63(1) of the Constitution. Qadri’s dual nationality was, however, constantly brought under question during the proceedings.

In another case which made headlines during 2011 and 2012, the court gave extraordinary attention to US citizen Mansoor Ijaz’s testimony and also entertained a petition filed by a Canadian citizen on the alleged violation of Pakistan’s national security by the civilian government through it Ambassador to the United States, Husain Haqqani.

(more…)

Only a meaningful civil service reforms can improve  the state capacity to perform better

By Raza Rumi

Pakistan’s inability to provide security and justice to its citizens; and deliver basic services is a common theme in our political discourse. Political parties, which are in power, make tall claims of doing this and that but in effect their reliance on a state apparatus which is unable to deliver is a known reality. During the last four years, other than taking very cosmetic steps the way our executive branch of the state is organised has remained unchanged.

Whereas a beginning has been made to shift the power from centre to provinces, the provincial administrations continue to work according to structures that were established nearly 160 years ago. Much has been said and written about a long pending civil service reform but nothing has been achieved except the partial reform in the 1970s.

Pakistan is a populous country now and its problems have grown manifold in the past few decades. Yet the inability of the state to respond to the challenges is spectacular. Also, the word ‘reform’ is a joke now for every time it is mentioned the transformationists make fun of it and the agents of the status quo start citing the failed experiments of the past.

What impedes reform then? Working on various projects with federal and provincial government departments and agencies teaches you that structures are overwhelming when it comes to arguing for even minor changes. (more…)

Published in India’s leading weekly Tehelka

Deep political instability immediately before the elections makes it difficult for a smooth transfer of power, writes Raza Rumi

My recent analysis for Express Tribune published yesterday:

 Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s inevitable ouster has created another storm in Pakistani politics reminding us of the endemic political instability that has plagued the country since its inception. The judicial verdict, which renders Gilani as disqualified since April 2012 may lead to further legal crises. The Supreme Court had its intentions quite clear since January when it rebuked the PM for not implementing its orders. The elected government continued to defy court orders and made political capital out of the judgments, invoking its troubled past with the judiciary.

The recent allegations of corruption levelled by infamous business tycoon Malik Riaz on the chief justice’s son added another twist to the executive-judiciary struggle. Many observers viewed the hand of the executive behind this move. Several detractors of President Zardari also hinted at the latter’s role in this saga. The Supreme Court swiftly reacted and unified in the face of what was interpreted as an ‘attack’ on its independence. The decision to disqualify Gilani therefore comes as a sequel and cannot be isolated from the recent events. Concurrently, the court has also been active on the missing persons case, which implicates powerful members of the security establishment.

Since 2007, there has been a redistribution of power within Pakistan’s formal state structure. The judiciary has emerged as a relatively independent player and has distanced itself from its historical ally, the military. This new reality and power shift was a messy one as it entailed conflict with the civilian and military arms of the executive at various points in recent years. Yesterday’s decision comes as a final expression of this intra-state struggle. Whether this struggle will involve a showdown with the security agencies remains to be seen. However, given the court’s resolve to assert its authority, this eventuality cannot be ruled out. (more…)

“We cannot have an army or intelligence agencies that constantly destabilise governments. We cannot have rogue elements incessantly violating their oath and plunging the nation into crises — Benazir Bhutto (Herald, 2000)

Evidently, the state of Pakistan is rotten when its former Chief of the Army Staff, who does not stop touting himself as a true patriot, prima facie, violated the constitutional oath he undertook. It is not just Mirza Aslam Beg whose nefarious involvement in politics has been the subject of discussion in the courts and TV channels but countless others in Pakistan who have been upto similar transgressions and getting away with them.

After the death of Gen Ziaul Haq in 1988, military rule only changed its clothes. It survived and flourished for a decade until the Emperor threw off his civilian façade and took over in 1999 through a proper coup d’etat citing the same old excuse of saving the country. The history of 1988-1999 is yet to be written for it has remained hostage to the obfuscations of a political class created by the army itself and its loyalist intellectuals who rule the media and are found in Pakistan’s moribund academia as well.

The recent political glasnost in Pakistan — thanks to the lawyers’ mobilisation and the refusal of two major political parties to repeat their mistakes — is a new chapter in our history. Whether this is an illusion or a temporary triumphant moment, remains to be seen. The Supreme Court has, after a criminal delay of sixteen years taken up the Asghar Khan petition. The ‘free’ and independent Supreme Court did not take up this pending case until there was sufficient public pressure in the recent months. The judges have been remarking that they are representing ‘people’s will’ and perhaps this is why they are now establishing that they are truly independent and not taking cues from their erstwhile senior partner the military-intelligence complex. This is a welcome development and, if taken to its logical conclusion, might reset the way power dynamics have been structured in Pakistan.

After 1988 elections, it was clear that the junta, despite losing its greatest Machiavellian leader, Zia, was in no mood to transfer power to a civilian government. The story of Benazir Bhutto’s first ill-fated government (1988-1990) has been well documented by her advisor Iqbal Akhund in his book entitled, Trial and Error: The Advent and Eclipse of Benazir Bhutto (OUP Pakistan, 2000). The book, among other things, reveals the severe limits of Bhutto’s powers and outlines how she had little control over core governance areas such as security and economic policies.

During this time, there were two serious attempts to oust her: first, through a vote of no-confidence where the rogue intelligence officials doled out money to engineer the outcomes. The name of one Osama Bin laden was also cited as a potential financier of this effort. Bhutto’s government also indulged in horse trading given that was the ‘set’ game in town. In a hard-hitting interview given to monthly Herald (in 2000), Bhutto recounts the years in these words:

“..in December 1988, within a week of my forming the government, Brigadier Imtiaz, working at the ISI Internal, began contacting political parties to overthrow my government. My political adviser at the time, General Babar, moved to have him replaced. The army refused initially, though later, Brigadier Imtiaz was removed from the ISI Internal, not from the army itself…We collected proof, in 1989, of ISI elements visiting MNAs for a no-confidence move. We made audio tapes. The head of the MI entered my office and saw the photograph of the man who had been approaching my MNAs. He panicked, took the photograph and the tape and then sent me a report saying the man in question was deranged. In 1990, when the ISI launched a similar effort, we made a videotape called Operation Jackal. A serving army officer, Brigadier Imtiaz, technically not in the ISI but substantively still there, was taped saying: ‘the army does not want her, the president does not want her, the Americans don’t want her’. He was seeking the support of parliamentarians to oust the government. I gave that tape, substantive proof of treason, to General Beg. He filibustered.” (more…)

There seems to be a serious dearth of imagination while searching for solutions on Balochistan

As Dr Pervez Hoodbhoy recently wrote, “Men like Rohrabacher are no friends of the Baloch. But what can stop their meddling? The answer can only come once we dump the myth of Pakistan being one nation, one people”. The continuous undermining of Pakistan’s pluralism, citizenship rights and quest for self-rule has led to a situation where Pakistani flag is not welcome in many parts of its largest and most neglected province.

This is not the first time that the country has faced a dire situation. In 1971, we were faced with a similar dilemma and the civil-military elites of West Pakistan bungled. Their mishandling was exacerbated by an external intervention and for years we have been fed with stories of how all was hunky dory in the more populous wing of Pakistan until the evil ‘Hindu’ India destroyed the ‘Muslim’ Pakistan.

It takes a questionable resolution tabled in the US Congress by Dana Rohrabacher, an extremist republican with a dubious past, to alarm the mainstream Pakistani politicians and media about the plight of Baloch people. Yet again, a “conspiracy” to disintegrate the land of the pure has been reiterated. The good part is that Balochistan issue — something that the media was afraid to talk about — has become a subject of prime-time, and sometimes ill-informed, discussions on national television.

We cannot absolve ourselves of the decades-long discrimination that the province and its people have faced due to a variety of reasons. Whether it is the misuse of its natural resources such as natural gas, gold, etc, or its leverage in the federal power structure, the scorecard is pretty grim. In real terms, the issue of provincial autonomy has only been resolved recently via the 2010 eighteenth amendment. But even that seems to fit the clichéd description of being “too little and too late” given how the Baloch nationalists view it. (more…)