Jahane Rumi

What a Lovely Review on my book “Delhi by Heart” published  in South Asia Magazine!

By Tariq Bashir

Delhi by Heart is a passionate rendition of a great city’s story steeped in history and rich traditions of religion, literature, music and cuisine. By all standards it figures as an excellent first book by Raza Rumi who seems immersed in,and equally perturbed by, the violence and mindless massacre of Partition, as the book unfolds. His Apa’s unfulfilled longing to roam the streets of her Amritsar, and the charred remains of burnt houses in the Shah Alam area of Lahore when she returns after the wave of riots has subsided, paint a heart-wrenching scene befitting any good movie on 1947. Raza Rumi writes from the heart.

At times he sounds like a traumatized adult who is baffled and confused at the raison d’être that forcibly detached him from his history, his cultural ‘half’ when he sets out to find many unanswered questions and does find some of them.

His quest starts from the dargah of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya in Delhi wherefrom emanates an absorbing and highly readable account of Delhi. The dramatis personae of Rumi’s excellent work include historical figures like Amir Khusrau, Nizamuddin Auliya and Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib, to name but a few and the contemporary characters of Delhi like Qurat-ulAinHaider, Saadia Dehlvi, Khushwant Singh and many others.

Read full review on my blog “Delhi by Heart“

Raza Rumi

It is a test for the state and the political parties of Pakistan as to how they can deal with a narrative that is fast capturing political space as well as prime time on TV.

Raza Rumi

A police commandos stop a photo journalist near a local court building after a gun and suicide attack in Islamabad on March 3, 2014. PHOTO: AFP

Raza Rumi

After 30 years of self-defeating policies, the new National Internal Security Policy may be the right way to make a fresh start

National Security Advisor Sartaj Aziz

Pakistanis should be grateful for small mercies. The federal cabinet finally approved the draft of the internal security policy that was pending for review since December 2013. This is some improvement from the earlier performance of civilian authorities and complete outsourcing of security question to the military. The approval does not suggest that the military has backed off and the civilians are fully in charge. In fact, reports suggest that the military leadership has proactively argued for a cleanup in North Waziristan Agency (NWA) and had advised the Prime Minister for not delaying the final putsch any further.

The National Internal Security Policy (NISP) has a detailed conceptual part that highlights the extent of damage that Pakistan has suffered during the last 12 years. While reporting on the victims of terror, the NISP notes that from 2001 to November 2013, 48,994 people were killed in the country including 5,272 personnel of the law-enforcement agencies. The attacks on security apparatus accelerated during 2011-2013 as 17,642 casualties including 2,114 security personnel took place during this time period. The NISP notes that with more than 600,000 strong personnel in 33 civilian and military security organizations provide adequate capacity to the Pakistani state to fight terrorism. The impact of terrorism has been calculated as losses worth $78 billion to Pakistan’s economy. Surprisingly, the draft also refers to the foreign policy priorities with respect to Afghanistan, Kashmir and India and limited civilian input in policy process. Governance failures also find a mention in the draft.

The democratic process in Pakistan has been a victim of terrorist narratives

Perhaps the most important feature of the NISP refers to the emphasis on the narratives – political and martial – which have increased the domestic support for terrorist outfits and mislead many a citizen in believing that terror tactics are justifiable at a certain level. This area has been largely unaddressed by Pakistan’s political parties and permanent state organs. While the PPP-led coalition tried to make some amends, it was often cowed down into acquiescence by militancy all around. In fact, the elections of 2013 took place under the threat of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) that decided which political groups had more space to campaign and contest. Certainly, the democratic process in Pakistan has also been a victim of terrorist narratives. (more…)

Raza Rumi

Notwithstanding Pakistan’s internal challenges or the ‘war on terror’ in its backyard, the troubled relationship with India continues to drive its internal and external policies. Pakistan’s mighty military is essentially trained to counter the bigger neighbour and imagines India to be the greatest threat.

In recent years, there have been signs of some shifts in military’s worldview but these shifts are yet to filter down into the institutional structures: the way strategic calculations are made and ‘threat perception’ is determined. Despite these structural constraints, the political elites have resolved to undo the bitter legacy of the past and push for improved trade ties and continued dialogue with the archenemy. At times the enthusiasm of Pakistani politicians appears to be at variance with the views of Indian political class, which seems divided on how to transact this bilateral relationship.

Since the election of Nawaz Sharif as the Prime Minister in June 2013, domestic terrorism and skirmishes at the Line of Control (LoC) have prevented any major development to take place. In fact by the end of 2013, many feared that the modest gains (trade and visa liberalization) made in the past few years had been reversed due to the continued hostilities at the border. (more…)

Raza Rumi

Al Qaeda’s plan for the region will succeed if Islamabad does not take stock of the deep penetration of its ideology into the folds of Pakistani society 

Clerics representing the Taliban listen to a reporter

The charade of talks being played by Pakistan’s major political parties, media and perhaps sections of the permanent establishment stands exposed. The prime minister, after giving a hard hitting speech in the Parliament, adopted the path of appeasement and appointed a committee to negotiate. The Pakistani faction of the Taliban movement – Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) – appointed a few sympathizers as its nominees. The charismatic star Imran Khan was one of them, but he refused to negotiate on behalf of TTP despite advancing their case for the last few years. With no time frame and unclear terms of reference the so-called talks have foundered on the rocks of grim reality: the Pakistani state continues to give space to violent operations of TTP.

In the past two weeks, there have been more than 17 attacks of various kinds sometimes accepted by the TTP and at other times disowned. But groups that have owned the attacks are part of the network or affiliates of the loose network comprising TTP. There are at least three dozen small and big groups that are linked to the TTP. Many are off-shoots of state sponsored jihad outfits but have turned rogue or gained some measure of autonomy. This is why the key question that has dogged the talks is if any agreement between TTP appointed negotiators and the government would be accepted by all and sundry. The emerging consensus in the country is that it would not hold and violence would continue.

A chilling example of this syndrome was the admission of Mohmand Agency Taliban that last week they had killed 23 Frontier Corps (FC) soldiers who were kidnapped from Shongari checkpost in the tribal region in 2010.  A day later, a valiant Major of Pakistan Army was also killed. The brazen attacks on the law enforcement agencies have continued despite the much celebrated intent of the TTP to talk. The strategy of talking to ‘our own people’ as popularized by Imran Khan and other right wing parties therefore is backfiring. The Sharif government vacillating between the noises of tough action and appeasement scared of backlash in the Punjab as well as losing the right wing vote bank does not help matters either. Sharif’s dilemma is related to his popular base in the Punjab which his party does not want to lose at any cost. But there is more method to this madness. (more…)

Raza Rumi

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif shakes hands with President Barack Obama during his October visit to US

Husain Haqqani’s new book Magnificent Delusions: Pakistan, the United States, and an Epic History of Misunderstanding comes at a critical juncture of Pakistan-US relations as the two nations aim to work together during 2014 to facilitate a transition in Afghanistan.  The book offers us a historical view of a deeply troubled yet interdependent relationship and why the year 2014 is likely to be far from smooth. ‘Magnificent Delusions’ has Haqqani’s signature style: Sharply worded, accessible and at times ironical. The book right at the start gives us a flavor of what follows:

The willingness of my countrymen to believe the worst about their ambassador [Haqqani himself] reflects a deeper pathology. Instead of basing international relations on facts, Pakistanis have become accustomed to seeing the world through the prism of an Islamo-nationalist ideology…these self-defeating ideas makes little impact on the rest of the world; the gap is widening between how Pakistanis and the rest of the world view Pakistan.

The first chapter of ‘Magnificent Delusions’ is an eye-opener for it provides the historic basis of a Pakistani worldview. In a tersely worded narrative, the chapter tells us how Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Quaid-e-Azam in an interview given to Life magazine says: “America needs Pakistan more than Pakistan needs America” and that “Pakistan is the pivot of the world.” The country’s founder thus lays the framework for Pakistan’s foreign policy. Sixty seven years later, Pakistan’s sense of indispensability to the US strategic aims in South-West Asia continues as a delusion that has become a domestic reality. Pakistan’s geostrategic location since Cold War has been vital for West’s policies and perhaps this is why our ruling elites-  civil and military- have been able to extract favours and concessions for promises that Haqqani says “..we did not keep”.

The opening chapter shocks the reader a little more as anecdotes tell us of elite behaviour. For instance, the propensity to seek personal favours  from the Superpower was there from the very start. From Ayub to Yahya and from Zia to Musharraf our rulers have deemed it appropriate to create a patron-client relationship. To appease public opinion at home they maintain a different narrative. The civilians have been no different. For example, it is widely believed that President Clinton intervened to save Nawaz Sharif from the wrath of military junta in 2000. Maulana Fazl ur Rehman to quote WikiLeaks even asked the Americans to help him become the country’s Prime Minister.

America bashing in Pakistan is also a political weapon. It has been there from the very start as the book tells us. For example in the late 1940s, the Palestine issue was a reason to criticize US by the Indian Muslim leadership that was also concurrently asking for aid and arms for the nascent state of Pakistan. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s troubled relationship dominated public imagination and to date most Pakistanis think that the US had a hand in getting him executed through a mock-judicial process. Similarly, we have a tendency to feel abandoned each time Pakistan becomes less relevant for the Americans. The unrealistic expectations from the US after the Soviet withdrawal also find way in the book. The book is meticulously researched and backs most assertions with sources. There have been voices of criticism that Haqqani has over relied on the American sources but that is a function of accessibility (Pakistan doesn’t declassify documents, US does). In Pakistan, much of the statecraft remains in the ‘classified’ domain. Colonial laws such as the Official Secrets Act, by and large, govern sharing of information. This is why research in Pakistan is not always a pleasant endeavor.

While documenting the ebb and flow of Pak-US relations, Haqqani presents nuanced analyses and never fails to highlight the primary issue that dogs Pakistan’s policymaking ie the skewed civil-military relations. In the book he tells us about his engagement with the military officials. Here is a memorable excerpt:

In an attempt at humor I sent a copy of Samuel Huntington’s book The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations to Kayani along with a four-page summary…But I have no reason to believe that it affected his thinking or decisions in any significant way. Kayani was personally always agreeable with civilians. The Pakistan army, as an institution, still remained a long way from accepting the right of civilians to debate, let alone define, national interest. (page 334)

The book is a bit reticent about his tenure as Pakistan’s Ambassador to the United States. This is where one is a little disappointed but there must be good reasons for this approach. Haqqani is already on the wrong side of military establishment and with him spilling further beans he could be doubly charged.

Historical trajectories aside, the past decade has also witnessed serious ruptures in the transactional relationship masked as a strategic partnership between the two countries. Haqqani writes that two years ago, Asif Ali Zardari, the then President, was sent a letter with an offer of long-term strategic partnership on the condition that Pakistan would fight and sort out the militant groups that were a threat to the region and also the United States. Haqqani narrates how Zardari’s response repeated the ‘strategic’ worldview of Pakistan that predicates on threats from India and Afghanistan. According to Haqqani, Pakistan had ‘missed the opening for defining its partnership with the world’s sole superpower on more favourable terms than ever before’.

While this may seem like a rational argument, Pakistan has nurtured way too many misgivings about the superpower and opposing America now fits into the definition of national interest. The media, especially vernacular press and noisy TV industry, frequently informs Pakistanis that US wants to denuclearize the country as well as break its Balochistan province. Writing about the period where Haqqani was an actor in the policy circles, he says: “Pasha and the ISI continued to propel hyper nationalist sentiment… one of the few tools Pakistan had for leveraging itself in an asymmetric relationship.” (page 335)

An unanswered question in the book is why does the US seek Pakistan’s engagement and continues to pander to its elites. Short term interests in the current scenario may give a partial explanation but the long term policy patterns are clear and also emerge from the book. The delusions of Pakistan as well as the Americans can also be found in the book given how both sides think they have leverage over one another and which can be enchased for immediate goals.

Haqqani’s conclusions are somber. In the public domain he has been arguing for a revised framework for bilateral relations that is  temperate and cognisant of the stragetic divergences. In the book, he rightly points out that both countries need to be more realistic about their engagement in the future and take note of the fatigue that has set among the peoples of both sides. However, this may not be enough. Pakistan’s progress lies not in the xenophobic tendencies that have been cultivated over years but in an honest engagement with the world that can lead to increased trade, flow of ideas and a less grandiose assessment of its position in the region and the world at large.

Raza Rumi

Recent events and statements by the civilian leadership indicate that there is a move towards undertaking a military operation in North Waziristan Agency (NWA). This has been a much delayed option that haunts the state of Pakistan especially the power military which has lost thousands of personnel, officials and five generals in the past few years. If one adds the civilian casualties and the climate of fear that grips Pakistan. Earlier, media reports suggested that in a briefing the army was not too optimistic about the success of an operation. The Chairman of Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf, whose simplistic position on war, terrorism and domestic anarchy has been informing the discourse, had quoted 40% chances of success in a media interaction.

Admittedly, with a large number of civilians residing in NWA, air strikes and ground operations can be lethal as the recent bombings in Mir Ali demonstrated. The armed forces were successful in hitting valuable targets but it came with a cost. This was a route that ought to have been adopted years ago but Pakistan’s strategic calculations prevented such clarity. In large measure, high tolerance for the existence of a mini-Emirate within Pakistan’s territory was perhaps a means to allow the functioning of Afghan Taliban factions in NWA. This was an opportune moment for the Pakistani militants to increase their strength, enter into alliances with sectarian groups countrywide and enhance their ‘soft power’ through media interactions, and gain the sympathies of political parties such as Imran Khan’s PTI. The results have been disastrous for the country. Pakistanis while condemning acts of terror against civilians are willing to give leeway to the militants terming acts as an expression of resistance to Pakistan’s partnership with the US.

The country therefore has been locked into a faux debate – talks or operation. The truth is that any counter-terrorism strategy would entail both as a means to restore the writ of the state. This false polarization has been benefitted the militant groups across the country and obfuscated the real issue at hand i.e. the sliding grip of the state over Pakistani territory. From DG Khan to Waziristan and from Karachi to Quetta the network has grown stronger and has played on the strategic ‘necessity’ of Pakistan to tolerate the existence of India-centric jihadi and Afghan Taliban groups. This has minimized the options for Pakistan. A full scale operation would mean that the state may end up isolating the Afghan Taliban and thus lose leverage in the future Afghan ‘game’.

More importantly, the sectarian outfits operational in Punjab, Karachi and Balochistan, have multiplied in number due to splintering and turned into ‘untouchable’ entities due to local factors and foreign funding lines would also come into a direct confrontation with the state. Is there readiness or a modicum of willingness to take them on? Sadly, the chances are way too remote. The Prime Minister and his family came under threat a few months ago when the convicted members of Lashkar e Jhangvi were about to be hanged. That decision was also postponed.  It is an open secret that these groups are in league with those who may be targets of a military operation in the northwest of the country.

Surgical strikes therefore will only bring short term dividends and perhaps allow the state to alter the power and perception balance against the militants. But it is not going to tackle the menace until a few issues are debated and dealt with. First, what is the scope of Pakistan’s ambition in Afghanistan? Are we headed towards another bid to support the Taliban power in post-NATO Afghanistan? The consequences of such an eventuality will be devastating for Pakistan as their Pakistani counterparts would be strengthened and clamour for more territory and political space within Pakistan. The two branches may have different goals but their tactics and strategy are the same. The time has come for the civilians to sit down with the military strategists and thrash this before they decide on the future course. Indeed a shift in the Taliban policy would require rescaling the ‘Indian threat’ in Afghanistan and rationalizing the threat perception that is chanted again and again in policy quarters. India can never have the same strategic leverage as Pakistan does. With a US-Iran thaw Pakistan could find itself far more isolated than it imagines itself to be.

Secondly, the excessive paranoia about US presence in the region needs to give way to a more realistic assessment of the future scenarios. It is a truism that no country in the world would like Pakistan to disintegrate or even suffer long periods of instability and mayhem. A nuclear Pakistan can only flourish with domestic stability. Thirdly, the Baloch insurgency, another flashpoint, predicates on how we can renegotiate our regional relationships with India, Afghanistan and Iran. The political solution that Nawaz Sharif has been talking about can help the military in pulling back a little from the scene and let politics of compromise and bargain find a way out.

The Prime Minister has now formed an ill-fated four-member committee to initiate dialogue with the Taliban, but without a willingness to review its strategic blunders of the past, the future course for Pakistani state would remain fraught with pitfalls. A military operation therefore must be a part of a broader strategy that aims to reset regional ties; uses force and dialogue judiciously; and changes the narratives at home. For the latter to happen, Sharif’s team would have to give up the temptation of competing with apologists of the militants and act like a responsible government that places national interest over populist antics.

Click here to see details:

Reposting this 2007 poem:

Alam kay iss jazeeray mein
Jahan sab per ujar gaye
Aur saari musafitan be-nishaan ho gayee
Teri tasveer neechay gulab mehaktay hain
Ham, teray qaatil, teray qasoorwar
Doshee thehray

Aye Rehbar-i-ba-kamaal, tasveeer-i-bemisaal
Tu ne roshnee ko ik naya ma’ani diya tha
Apnay nangay pairon ko ghaseetee
Aur apnay nangay sar ko dhanptay
Kiya kiya dishnam na saha that u ne?
Aur is shehr-i-qatl ke neem murda log
Tujh pe hairaan thay

Yeh qatl meray saray manzaron ka hai
Yeh ant meray tamam khawabon ka hua
Tu manon gulabon talay pataal ki nazr hui
Go ik lehad se mehkay ga yeh alam
Magar ham sharminda, apnay aansoo-on se lartay
Apnay khawabon ka sauda haathon mein uthaiye
Tajrubay, tajziyae aur nohay parhtay rahian ge
Is ghao se ristaay rahain ge sab rastay

Ab chand gul nahee ho ga
Jaltee rahe gi har shama-i-lahed-benazir
Aur hota rahay ga yazeed yun-hee be tauqir
Bus ik ist’ada hai tujh se
Jo yeh shehr-e yazeed na kar saka
Tu who kamal bhee kar dey
Muaaf kar de un ko
Jo tujhe ma’af na kar sakay
Aur sar-e-rahay farat tujhe dhakail kar
Aaj azurdagee ki dhund mein liptay
Apnay chaak gareebanon mein
Dilon ko dhoondtay hain

An inadequate translation that I rendered for razarumi.com (more…)

Raza Rumi

Raza Rumi was fascinated by artist Aasim Akhtar’s unique curation of Pakistani textile heritage at the Rawalpindi NCA – Click here to see more:

Cotton dyed in natural colours with elaborate silver work. South Punjab

A recent exhibition in Rawalpindi showcased the rich variety of traditional textiles – lovingly weaved tales – from the various corners of Pakistan. Aptly titled, ‘Vanishing Worlds, Enduring Threads’, it presented a wide collection of textiles collected by artist and writer Aasim Akhtar. The threads, which Aasim had labeled as enduring, are disappearing fast, overtaken by mechanization, changing aesthetics and economic patterns. The exhibition was curated at the Potohar Art Gallery at the Rawalpindi Campus of the National College of Arts (NCA).

I was lucky to have the collector-curator walk me through the pieces on display, my instant reaction to which was how could anyone collect such a large variety and then keep it safely. One has to be as dedicated, eccentric and involved as Aasim to have picked up the best from villages, goths and remote corners of the country and create a formidable ensemble after two decades. From the better-known forms such as ‘phulkari’ to ‘chunri,’ the exhibition had some dying forms such as ‘lungi’ and animal trappings.

Classic, rare phulkaaris from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa

Aasim explained how men and women of multiple ethnicities possess “a textile heritage of incredible abundance,” and truly this is the known and hidden, rich and lived culture of Pakistan. ‘Vanishing Worlds’ thereby is a tribute to Pakistan’s diversity and aesthetics which have informed everyday lives of multifarious communities. In fact, the folk textiles were hardly created for commercial purposes: they were inter-generational methods of passing on heritage and often treated as family assets. For the most part, women who created these fabulous designs and forms were preparing for their children’s dowries, and the presence of these intricate pieces of cloth testified to the skill and wealth of the family in question. Aasim informed me that embroidered heirlooms were a measure of prosperity, and marked the identity of the user, his/her community and traditions. The motifs, colours and styles were identifiable codes of the community.

Folk art used to decorate animals in Sind province

The collection also showcased some extraordinary Phulkari work. Phulkari literally means flower work – a rural tradition of crafting embroidered head covers or shawls. While these shawls are embroidered in Hazara, Chakwal and many other parts, the most well-known Phulkaris are from Swat and other parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Aasim’s collection was also from this region. The old pieces showed the intense labour that must have gone into the preparation of these designs. The other surprising textile work was women’s elaborate dresses with embedded silver work from Kohistan, an area of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Kohistan, otherwise in the news for its conservatism and more known for its images of tortured women, appeared to be a region full of beauty and gentleness in this work. The women’s long shirts and loose trousers resembling the ‘dhoti shalwar’ of the 80s had numerous motifs on them. Kohistani traditional dresses also have intricate silk embroidery, copper buttons, metal roundels and curious beads. The hand-woven black cotton fabric shares the larger regional tradition. From Afghanistan to this area, the black material is used with similar use of beads, metals and motifs rooted in the bounties of Nature.

Women’s dresses from Kohistan made with black cotton and silver work

The most striking part of this exhibition was the animal covers from Sindh and Balochistan. In nomadic communities, the livestock comprises real assets and friends of communities. Thus the painstakingly prepared horse-head-covers and camel trappings were outstanding. Our people have such delicate tastes and as Aasim told me that communities continue to preserve this tradition from one generation to other.

Over time these traditions have come under attack by rampant consumerism. Several such gems are now found in affluent homes of wealthy Pakistanis here or abroad, through an elaborate network of middlemen, sellers and dealers. These radical shifts are changing the traditional patters of folk textiles as the products lack their earlier familiarity and intimacy. Prepared for markets the materials used have also changed over the decades. Leather, for instance, has now been replaced by plastic, wool with acrylics while natural dyes have almost vanished. This is why the exhibition’s range of natural dyes from Hazara textiles to those prepared in Sindh was a reminder of a fast vanishing skill.

Hand-made pouch

Most importantly, the textiles on display also reflected how communities and households used to scarcity created art in their everyday lives with local-natural materials and household labour. The folk roots of Pakistani textiles are also a testament to the thousands of year old civlisational history of the Indian-Pakistani subcontinent. In this region, wild cotton was processed into woven cloth and there was as abundant use of indigo that created a unique aesthetic. It should be remembered that indigo was one of the major exports of ancient India and several fortune hunters in this region came for these local products. The early trade of spices and dyes from India shaped our history.

Textiles from Sindh are notable for their colours and patterns. Two most unusual rallis in Aasim’s collection were distinctive or their sheer rustic beauty. Rallis (or quilts) are made in Sindh, Balochistan, Cholistan and in the southern borders of the Punjab province. Ralli literally means to mix or connect perhaps derived from ‘ralaana’ or ‘ralnaa’. In many parts of rural Pakistan and bordering Indian states, rallis were symbols of wealth in a girl’s dowry. The process of Ralli-making is quite complicated: Cotton fabrics are first dyed to the required color and then they are weaved into patterns (usually squares or rectangles) to create a diverse impact.

An overview of the exhibition. An unusual ralli can be spotted in the centre

Other gems in the exhibition were pouches created by different communities for multiple purposes. These small products had detailed patterns and unique motifs depending upon their use. Other items on display also showed the fusion of various subcultures. For instance a small hand embroidered textile from Rahim Yar Khan (a town of Southern Punjab) mixed Baloch and Sindhi patterns of embroidery especially their delicate stitches and mirror-work.

Walking through the gallery at NCA was an intense journey into the living art traditions of Pakistan. I had no idea that the Hazara area had such a fine tradition of fabrics especially for the use of men. Several items – especially lungis and turbans on display – were prepared for bridegrooms using natural dyes and startlingly bright colours. It is a pity that we have almost no avenues to showcase these traditions to build an appreciation of Pakistan’s folk art.

Aasim’s collection was curated with much thought. There were creative spaces between the textiles to ensure that the details and impact were highlighted. One can only marvel at a collection that covers the most diverse range: Embroidered textiles, naturally dyed and hand-woven textiles, and non-woven textiles. As a keen student of folk heritage this display tells the larger story of vanishing crafts and cultures. We spoke about a permanent display and agreed on a few venues in the international arena. Sadly, Pakistan has very few places where textile-heritage has been properly curated or preserved. A treasure in the Lahore museum has been a victim of neglect and official apathy and as Aasim said some of the items on display there are permanently damaged.

It would be tragic if Aasim’s collection moves abroad or is sold to private dealers. It belongs to Pakistan and its posterity, as the skills, materials and traditions are ‘vanishing’, to use the collector’s word. Perhaps there has to be some effort by the private sector if the state cannot provide the necessary support. At the same time, it is essential that these are on display. Ironically, our heritage is safer outside Pakistan. In our museums and archaeological sites, lack of appreciation has led to major theft, smuggling and decay.  Culture and saving heritage has never been our priority. Let’s hope this changes soon.

Fiction writer Intizar Hussain (DAWN)

“In his exuberance, Rumi started writing without planning beforehand, knowing not how his narrative will end. The narrative, however, came to an end by itself…”

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Asif Noorani (Daily Dawn)

“Raza Rumi’s Delhi by Heart is a research-based readable account of the city he fell in love with and its dwellers…”

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Yatin Gupta (Iyatingupta)

“Delhi By Heart was an eye opener for me in many ways and so much that I will definitely read it once more in future…”

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Dr Tariq Rehman (The News on Sunday)

“An authentic and readable social history of north Indian Muslim civilization…”

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Abdul Majeed Abid (The News on Sunday)

“A must read for prospective travelers to Delhi and fans of South Asian history”

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Madeeha Gauhar (Theatre Director/Activist)

“You cannot put Raza’s book into one genre, it’s a bit of everything, so beautifully organized that its a real delight…”

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Ishtiaq Ahmad (Daily Times)

“Delhi by Heart is a jolly good, multifaceted account penned by Raza Rumi of Lahore of his sojourns in the Indian capital, Delhi, over many years…”

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Shivani Mohan (The Khaleej Times)

“Breaking barriers: A Pakistani within the heart of Delhi…”

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Kabir Pundit (Flipkart)

“Raza has succinctly revealed the city’s past not just as a mere chronicle but also as the spiritual hub of Muslim Hindoostan. It came as pleasant surprise that Delhi was/is the Sufi Mecca of the East…”

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The Deccan Chronicle

“The book, a sensitively written account of Delhi’s “grand theatre of the past and present”, is sure to make many nostalgic about “the composite identity of India” that got lost in 1947…”

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The Reuters

“Delhi by heart” is a kind of travelogue about a city that is the source of a shared heritage that spans hundreds of years…”

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The Indian Express

“Rumi calls this book Delhi by Heart and from the first page, you can make out that a large space in his heart is occupied by Dilli. The Delhis of the past and the present are as enmeshed in the book as they are in reality and that is its strength…”

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The Kashmir Walla

“Raza Rumi’s Delhi by Heart is an important addition to the literatures on Delhi…”

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The Express Tribune

“In candid tones, journalist and analyst Raza Rumi explores an Indian city, and indeed his own identity as a Muslim in the Subcontinent, in his first book, Delhi by Heart…”

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The Caravan Daily

“Raza Rumi’s in-depth research into Delhi’s abundant monuments and the forgotten, sepia-toned sagas attached to them, makes Delhi by Heart a compelling read.

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Amazon

“A sensitively written account of a Pakistani writer’s discovery of Delhi”

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Livemint

“Pakistani journalist and blogger Raza Rumi’s first book is an account of his travels in Delhi and his interactions with its people..”

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Tehelka

“Raza Rumi’s enthralling travelogue Delhi by Heart, is an attempt to rise above the hatred that has marred Indo-Pak relations…”

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The News

“A Lahori’s take on Delhi…”

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The Friday Times

Rumi’s book is not besmirched by preformed ideas or deeply ingrained prejudices, says Dr. Syed Amir

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An Indian Muslim

“It took me sometime before I could buy Raza Rumi’s ‘Delhi by Heart’. But the moment I got it, I just couldn’t put it down. I read the entire book within a day…”

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IBN Live

“The author has ensured that everything you read in this book stays with you for a long time..”

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DNA India          

“Raza Rumi’s recent book Delhi By Heart is a first — a long detailed account of Delhi of the past and the present from a traveler from across the border…”

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Time Out Bengalaru

“The book works on many levels – as a travelogue, or as a potted (and selected) history of a city, and a way of life…”

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Frontline

“While we are familiar with the traditional representations of Delhi, a new book, Delhi by Heart by the Pakistani journalist Raza Rumi, is creating a stir in literary circles…”

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The Tribune India

“This book by Raza Rumi is much more than the “impressions of a Pakistani traveler”. In searching Delhi, the author is trying to understand his as well as the identity of millions of other Muslims of the subcontinent…”

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Time Out Delhi

“The book works on many levels – as a travelogue, or as a potted (and selected) history of a city, and a way of life.”

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HarperCollins

“Rich with history and anecdote, and conversations with Dilliwalas known and unknown,Delhi By Heart offers an unusual perspective and unexpected insights into the political and cultural capital of India… ”

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Rana’s Blog

“It is rare that one comes across a book with a soul and this is a book which is all heart. It is an outpouring of love by a Pakistani based on his visits here…”

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Raza Rumi’s Interview with The Indian Express

“I found myself as a split individual, because my identity and nationalistic pride was with Pakistan, but my entire history, heritage and who I am, is linked to this place — whether it’s cuisine, history or heritage. Lahore and Delhi are like twins…”

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Raza Rumi

Mustafa Qadri with a copy of the new Amnesty International

Amnesty International’s recent publication, “Will I be Next? US Drone Strikes in Pakistan” has spurred a global debate on the use of drone strikes in Pakistan. The report invited some critical responses on issues of accuracy and objectivity but overall it has informed the ongoing debates. In Pakistan, it has been used by different lobbies to advocate their stance through selective interpretation. Raza Rumi spoke to Amnesty’s Pakistan Researcher Mustafa Qadri on some of these issues and concerns.

What are the most critical findings of Amnesty’s recent report?

In some of the cases we have documented extensively, the US appears to have committed unlawful killings in breach of international law. Some of these killings, particularly the targeting of so-called ‘rescuers’, may even constitute war crimes or extra-judicial executions. This includes the killing of 18 laborers in the impoverished village of Zowi Sidgi around Magreb time on 6 July 2012. In another case, a drone strike killed 67 year old grandmother Manana Bibi in front of her grandchildren. Those responsible for these killings must be brought to justice. The US must come clean and acknowledge this secretive program, fully disclose the number of documented deaths, how many they view as non-combatants, how they arrived at these figures, how they assess that a person is a combatant and therefore will be targeted, and fully disclose the legal basis for the program, including the US Department of Justice Legal Memo that is purportedly the cornerstone of its legality. I believe this is only possible if the program and the cases we and others have documented are investigated by a genuinely independent and impartial body. It should not be left to the Obama Administration and the US Congress and Senate committees, which are supposed to provide oversight of the targeted killing programs, because they have failed to adequately do this.

What were the difficulties in gathering data? How did you secure access to the victims and the area? Did Pakistan state cooperate or hinder the efforts?

Securing data is extremely difficult in FATA because of the secretive US program, the lawless and remote nature of the area, and the active control and suppression of accurate testimony by local actors including the Taliban, Al Qaeda linked groups and Pakistani security authorities. This issue is so politicised that it is difficult to take claims on face value. That’s why our research is based on extensive, discreet research from multiple eyewitnesses interviewed on three separate occasions by separate investigators who have worked with us in the past – not just on drones, but abuses by the Taliban and others, abuses against women and so on. We corroborated eyewitness testimony against satellite imagery, photographs, video, and analysis of missile fragments by experts.

What has been the reaction globally given that this is such a contested issue?

There has been an amazing reaction to the report from every corner of the globe. Most encouraging, the response from the US media and public has been overwhelmingly positive, a reflection of the quality of our research and the compelling, tragic cases of civilian killings documented in the report. People in the US and around the world are asking, how does killing a 67 year old grandmother make any of us safer? People are extremely concerned that this technology is being used to facilitate a secretive and unaccountable killing program that, over time, could well expand beyond not just the tribal areas or other far away places but their own cities and neighbourhoods.

The report also talks about the territory under the control of militants in Pakistan? What is amnesty’s view on that? And what is the key advice to Pakistan government?

This is the third report by Amnesty International in the last three years to document abuses perpetrated by the Taliban and Al Qaeda-linked groups in Pakistan’s tribal areas, as well as the Pakistani military (see ‘The hands of cruelty’ http://tinyurl.com/me8ouuk and ‘As if hell fell on me’ http://tinyurl.com/2u69brf). These groups are responsible for the deaths of 10,000s of people in Pakistan, far more than the Pakistani military or police or US drones. These include suicide bombings in the most sacred of places such as mosques and churches that they openly admit to carrying out. The Pakistan state has an extremely poor record in bringing these perpetrators to justice in fair trials. Even where they are arrested many have escaped or continue to coordinate their activities from behind bars. Our message to the Pakistani authorities is quite simple. There is no shortcut to ending militancy, and even the worst militants have human rights. Lethal force must only be used when absolutely necessary as consistent with international standards. The authorities must do everything to bring militants to justice in fair trials, sending a signal the state is civilised, has a zero-tolerance policy towards abuses, and diminishing the stature of these supposedly mysterious figures with the superhuman ability to defy Pakistan and US forces.

In Pakistan, a selective reading of the report has been made that sort of distorts the key messages of your campaign. How would Amnesty address this issue?

We are very disappointed by attempts to selectively quote our drones report but this is a familiar pattern. For example, the United States routinely quotes Amnesty International reports on other countries but refutes our claims of unlawful killings by US drones. As to selective readings in Pakistan, in the end it is our own country and fellow people who suffer the most. Our report documents the failure of Pakistani authorities to provide even basic assistance to victims of drone strikes and other violence in the tribal areas. These are systemic failings and those who are appalled by deaths due to US drones should make the effort to read this and our previous reports in their entirety. Anything less is a disservice to the long suffering people of the tribal areas. And, ultimately, it is a disservice to Pakistan because our country cannot move forward until it starts dealing with the very serious failings in rule of law that are also a problem in Multan and Karachi, not just Waziristan. Criticism of the US drone program should not be used to deflect attention from the fires burning closer to home.

Which are the recommendations that the US authorities need to act upon immediately?

The US authorities must allow genuinely independent and impartial investigations of the CIA and other authorities who may be responsible for the killings documented in our report. They must fully disclose the legal memo and policy guidelines that the Obama Administration claims underpin the drone program. Along with disclosing figures for all casualties – both civilians and combatants – from all drone strikes, the US authorities must ensure compensation and other remedies to victims of unlawful drone strikes, such as the case of grandmother Mamana Bibi, killed by a drone in front of her own grandchildren.

Is there a plan to do a follow up report? Would advocacy be difficult?

Since the release of the report we have been engaged in a great deal of advocacy and public outreach in the US, Pakistan and globally about drones strikes and other human rights problems in the area. But our work is not just on drone strikes or the tribal areas. We have a number of exciting and important human rights projects lined up for 2014 relating to freedom of expression, women’s rights and much else. Ultimately, though, our role is only a small part of the picture. It is up to ordinary people, people like the thoughtful readership of The Friday Times, to demand that human rights are always respected at all times. A measure of a just society is how it treats its most vulnerable and most hated individuals.

Raza Rumi is Consulting Editor, TFT

Raza Rumi

General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani retired after leading Pakistan’s most powerful institution for six years. As a close confidante and successor of former president General Musharraf, General Kayani ensured policy continuity and facilitated the return of the army into the barracks. Histenures were eventful yet, turbulent and thus, he leaves behind a chequered legacy. Before his extension in 2010, Kayani led successful operations in Swat and the tribal areas against extremists, and save a few instances, did support the democratic transition. In 2008, he ordered all serving military officials in civil departments to relinquish charge. Despite these commendable measures, the military firmly set and managed foreign and security policies, and faced little or no challenge from the civilian rulers. In fact, following the 2008 Mumbai attacks, former president Asif Ali Zardari and his prime minister(s) gave up the management of the security policy, which had serious ramifications for Pakistan’s governance and economy.

During 2008-2013, a weak democracy beset by civil-military schisms defined Pakistan’s governance. The military strongly resisted attempts by the civilian government to reform the country’s premier intelligence agency, the ISI. A campaign was orchestrated, which moulded public opinion against the Kerry-Lugar-Berman (KLB) bill in 2009. The KLB bill was projected as an assault on Pakistan’s ‘national interest’). An unprecedented reaction through an ISPR press release (bypassing the ministry of defence) was given to the civilian authorities when the military aired its reservations about the KLB bill. The latter marked a significant shift in Pakistan-US relations: for the first time, an attempt was made by the Obama Administration to engage with the civilian government. Earlier, US relations with Pakistan were mediated through military cooperation, which bred domestic perceptions that the US always backed military dictators in the country. The establishment identified the orchestrator of the KLB bill as Husain Haqqani, our then ambassador in Washington.

General Kayani’s second term marked a period when relations soured with the US. The Raymond Davis case in 2011 brought into perspective the troubling fault lines in Pak-US ties. There was a propaganda campaign against the civilian PPP government for allegedly helping the US by giving many of its spies visas. Yet, as we found out later, Davis was given safe passage to leave the country by invoking the Qisas and Diyat laws. The popular belief was that this was done through intervention of the establishment. Perhaps, the worst moment in Pak-US relations was the OBL raid of May 2011, which led to much public criticism and even the military’s most ardent supporters were angry over the ‘negligence’ shown by the armed forces.

The infamous Memogate case was another needless intervention that created more fissures in the civil-military relationship. An unsigned memo addressed to US authorities asking their help in the event of a coup, was the subject of public outcry. The ISI chief reportedly visited Middle Eastern governments, checking potential reactions to a coup in Pakistan. Civilians were seen as ‘traitors’ seeking outside help against ‘national institutions’. All of this happened under the stewardship of General Kayani.

The ineptitude of Pakistan’s civilians cannot be overlooked either. They were divided and often seemed clueless, especially in terms of giving a direction for the security policy. The end result was that Ambassador Haqqani was sacrificed by the civilian government to pacify the establishment.

It was expected that after Musharraf, the army would rethink some of its worn-out security paradigms, chiefly, the containment of India at all costs in Afghanistan, the related preference for the good Afghan Taliban and ambiguity in Pak-US relations. Nothing changed. Take the case of drones: the lack of a clear policy has resulted in major public confusion. The state owns and disowns them according to the targets and convenience. This may be a tactical response to manage relationships with a powerful ‘ally’, but it has now divided society and obfuscated discourse on extremism. Most Pakistanis now cite extremism as a ‘reaction’ to drone strikes, which is a fallacious argument. The first suicide bombing took place in 1995, well before the US war on terror. However, these facts have been buried under the imperatives of using anti-Americanism as a bargaining tool.

Serious questions were also raised about the manner in which the army tackled the Baloch insurgency. Dozens of missing persons still haunt our polity and court petitions, thus far, remain ineffective. The question of ‘foreign’ intervention and support to Baloch separatists is far from settled. A political question needs to have a wider policy response than just brute force.

On the issue of extremism, General Kayani made several encouraging statements but he could not follow through on the changes that were required. In part, the civilians failed to lead. But the security framework vis-a-vis Afghanistan and India needs to change. For instance, in a speech in August 2012 General Kayani said: “ … the war against [extremism] is our own war and a just war too. Any misgivings in this regard can divide us internally, leading to a civil war situation … ”. Such top-level policy statements remain to be translated into operational strategies. To give credit to General Kayani, he did support the civilian government’s initiative on visa liberalisation and trade with India. Contrary to all speculations, the army did not block or sabotage the relations, except perhaps, that it still wants a carefully calibrated, slower approach to normalisation. Sadly, since January 2013, the clashes along the Line of Control have denuded the modest gains made earlier.

General Kayani could have done much more, especially during his second tenure but then, narrow institutional interests and short term-ism drive policy in Pakistan. The complicated relationship of the state with the multiple brands of non-state actors will have to be recalibrated for our long-term security. There is acknowledgement that the ‘strategic depth’ doctrine and reliance on proxies have landed us in a royal mess. Our assets have turned into nightmares and for this to change, the army will have to make a fresh start. Let’s hope the civilians will not abandon their role for political expediency. Nawaz Sharif will have to avoid past mistakes, needless power contests to guide the military and assume the responsibility to reset our direction.

A recent exhibition of Japanese paintings brought the restrained artistry of the orient to Lahore.
Review by Raza Rumi

Stormy Sea off Kanagawa, from the series Thirty-six Views of Mount Fuji by the artist Hokusai (c 1830)

A recently held exhibition at Alhamra Arts Council brought the subtleties of classical Japanese art to Lahore. The two cultures met and interacted with each other. I was lucky to get a quick preview of the exhibition thanks to the dynamic Sabah Hussain who has untiringly promoted this inter-cultural dialogue in Lahore.

The Actor Ichikawa Ebizo as Takemura Sadanoshin by the artist Sharaku (c 1794) Ebizo was a leading actor of his time

Sabah is also the founder and director of Lahore Arts Foundation and a renowned artist. A Lahori and a distinguished graduate of the National College of Arts, Sabah specialized in the preservation & conservation of works on paper at the College of Arts, London. Later she was trained at the Kyoto Institute of Technology Japan and in those rich environs she also studied the art of papermaking and printmaking. As a student of National College of Arts and Kyoto National University of Fine Arts & Music in Japan we have a rather curious artist-activist whom Lahore can only be proud of.

Two decades ago Sabah set up the Lahore Arts Foundation Trust (LAFT) a unique platform that has contributed in multiple ways to the promotion and preservation of our artistic heritage. The exhibition entitled ‘Evolving imagery- Ukiyo-e and contemporary prints from Japan’ marked the twentieth anniversary of LAFT.

‘Ukiyo-e’ literally means ‘pictures of the floating world’

The prints on display were mellow and profoundly etched as is the case with Japanese art. As I found out from Sabah, ‘Ukiyo-e’ literally means ‘pictures of the floating world’ and refers to woodblock prints prepared during the Edo period [1615-1867]. The Edo era in Japan is known for artistic innovation and evolution especially the development of classical techniques of Japanese woodblock prints, and its famous exponents, Kitagawa Utamaro, Katsushika Hokusei, Ichizyusei Hiroshigei and Shahraku.

Horizon. Woodblock print (1999)

 

Ukiyo-e invariably represented the key interests and concerns of the population at large. Artists were commissioned and patronized by the emerging bourgeoisie to paint and create prints of genre subjects, related to festivals, theatrical performances, portraits of courtesans, kabuki actors and landscapes. Such was the technical finesse of these works the impressionists in the West were influenced by the strokes and treatment of subjects by this growing crew of Japanese artists and their deft handling of the medium.

The Edo period refers to the pre-modern Tokugawa period in Japanese History, from 1603 to 1868. Tokugawa shogunate (i.e a feudal Japanese military dictatorship headed by a shogun from the Tokugawa clan) and powerful territorial lords who reigned from their vast hereditary land holdings comprised the ruling class. ‘Edo’ is the former name for ‘Tokyo’. This was the final period of traditional Japan known as a time of internal peace, political stability, economic growth, an isolationist foreign policy and the popular enjoyment of arts and culture. The changing economy led to a growth in demand for images of popular life that focused on ‘commoners’.

Sounds of Trees, Whispering People. Lithograph (1992)

Like other parts of the world, contemporary “visual vocabulary and aesthetics have been influenced by the legacies of old Japan,” Sabah told me. The concept of austere and restrained aesthetic is all-pervasive in Japanese arts. In the Alhamra exhibition, prints from the Ukiyo-e school have been displayed alongside contemporary works so as to emphasise the commonalities of the technique and its evolution overtime. Viewing the exhibition therefore gives a broad scope and manner in which the concept and imagery of Japanese printmaking evolved from the traditional to the contemporary.

The colours used in Ukiyo-e prints were water-based pigments. This tradition has continued as contemporary printmakers also employ water-based pigments, and sometimes combine oil colours to enhance the effect and texture of the prints. Ukiyo-e woodblock prints used handmade paper, long fibered and made from particular plants, such as Kozo [paper mulberry]. The widespread use of Kozo for prints somewhat explains the subtlety that Japanese prints of that era convey.

Similarly, hard wood from cherry trees was used for blocks as it enabled artists to carve fine lines and produce large editions. A civilization connects various industries and professions to achieve excellence and makes them interdependent. So the artists would create the image and its details and the artisans undertook carving and printing while the publishers were responsible for marketing the work. The absence of publishers and the press in Mughal India has been cited as a major flaw of the Mughal Empire during the same time period. The Chinese and the Japanese cultures were much advanced in this respect.

The contemporary prints on display indicate how tradition informs the technique even today and yet the espousal of modern materials and skills reshape the aesthetic. Since the 1950s, contemporary print artists in Japan, heirs to a grand artistic legacy, have also explored and experimented with western technique and concepts arriving at new mutations. The overwhelming impact of this exhibition is how ultra-simplified forms, a refined involvement with structure, two dimensional picture plane[s] and an economy of means define the Japanese aesthetic even in modern times. This is the ultimate beauty of Japanese art: its seeming simplicity, hiding the layers of effort and meaning creates intimate spaces that can haunt even an uninitiated viewer.

Girl Blowing Poppin, A Glass Toy by the artist Utamaro

Sabah’s commendable work for the promotion of the arts has not been confined to her primary oeuvre i.e. Japanese art. The trust (LAFT) she runs has also organised exhibitions of Pakistani artists in collaboration with the Lahore museum. A major exhibition – ‘“Artisans At Work” curated an ensemble of crafts that celebrates the rich heritage of Pakistan’s indigenous crafts coinciding with the third International Conference on Islamic Arts and Architecture. LAFT also celebrated the eminent Pushto poet and artist Ghani khan through a major exhibition.

Sabah is a recipient of several national and international awards that include the 2004 Japan Foundation Fellowship Award; the 1996 April – National Excellence Award, ‘7th National Exhibition of Visual Arts Islamabad’; 1988 distinction for the MFA degree from Kyoto City Art College. Kyoto Japan; 1987 Kyoto Museum Exhibition “Kyoten” received the “Murasaki Award”, Japan; and 1985-1988 Awarded Yoneyama Rotary Scholarship Kyoto, Japan. Hussain’s works are in collection of the British Museum, London, Okinawa Museum of Contemporary Art, Japan, and in notable museums in Islamabad and Lahore. Besides, she has held successful solo exhibitions in different countries, such as Japan and UK. Currently, Sabah works as Adjunct Faculty, Department of Fine Arts at the National College of Arts, Lahore.

Sabah Hussain with the major Pushto artist and poet Ghani Khan

It was good to know that the Lahore’s exhibition of Japanese prints will be travelling to other cities. There is much that Pakistani art lovers can find in these prints and the art faculties across the country can enrich their learning techniques. We are, after all, a part of the larger Asian mosaic of cultures and artistic legacies. For Pakistan to prosper and find its course, it will have to accept the multiple identities and shun the narrow vision of statehood and faith-based identity imposed by its state since the 1950s. This is why Sabah’s work and her trust are most relevant to the shifting contours of contemporary Pakistan.

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By Raza Rumi

Nasiruddin Haqqani’s assassination is a significant move in a game of chess and nerves

A photographer takes picture of the spot where Nasiruddin Haqqani, a senior leader of the feared militant Haqqani network, was assassinated at an Afghan bakery in the Bhara Kahu area on the outskirts of Islamabad

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